Romanesque Architecture Essays - Church Architecture, Basilica, Nave

Romanesque Architecture THE BASILICA AND BASILICAN CHURCHES A great deal of conjecture has been expended on the question as to the genesis of the Roman basilica. For present purposes it may be sufficient to observe that the addition of aisles to the nave was so manifest a convenience that it might not improbably have been thought of, even had models not been at hand in the civic buildings of the Empire. The most suitable example that can be chosen as typical of the Roman basilica of the age of Constantine is the church of S. Maria Maggiore. And this, not merely because, in spite of certain modern alterations, it has kept in the main its original features, but also because it departs, to a lesser extent than any other extant example, from the classical ideal. The lateral colonnade is immediately surmounted by a horizontal entablature, with architrave, frieze, and cornice all complete. The monolithic columns, with their capitals, are, moreover, homogenous, and have been cut for their position, instead of being like those of so many early Christian churches, the more or less incongruous and heterogeneous spoils of older and non-Christian edifices. Of this church, in its original form, no one however decidedly his tastes may incline to some more highly developed system or style of architecture will call in question the stately and majestic beauty. The general effect is that of a vast perspective of lines of noble columns, carrying the eye forward to the altar, which, with its civory or canopy, forms so conspicuous an object, standing, framed, as it mere, within the arch of the terminal apse, which forms its immediate and appropriate background. S. Maria Maggiore is considerably smaller than were any of the other three chief basilicas of Rome (St Peter's, St. Paul's, and the Lateran). Each of these, in addition to a nave of greater length and breadth, was furnished (as may still be seen in the restored St Paul's) with a double aisle. This, however, was an advantage which was not unattended with a serious drawback from a purely esthetic point of view. For a great space of blank wall intervening between the top of the lateral colonnade and the clerestory windows was of necessity required in order to give support to the penthouse roof of the double aisle. And it is curious, to say the least, that it should not have occurred to the builders of those three basilicas to utilize a portion of the space thus enclosed, and at the same time to lighten the burden of the wall above the colonnade, by constructing a gallery above the inner aisle. It is true, of course, that such a gallery is found in the church of S. Agnese, where the low-level of the floor relatively to the surface of the ground outside may have suggested this method of construction; but whereas, in the East, the provision of a gallery (used as a gynaeceum) was usual from very early times, it never became otherwise than exceptional in the West. Taking East and West together, we find among early and medieval basilican churches examples of all the combinations that are possible in the arrangement of aisles and galleries. They are the single aisle without gallery, which is, of course, the commonest type of all; the double aisle without gallery, as in the three great Roman basilicas; the single aisle with gallery, as in S. Agnese; the double aisle with single gallery, as in St. Demetrius at Thessalonica; and finally, as a crowning example, though of a later period, the double aisle surmounted by a double gallery, as in the Duomo at Pisa. These, however, are modifications in the general design of the building. Others, not less important, though they are less obviously striking, concern the details of the construction. Of these the first was the substitution of the arch for the horizontal entablature, and the second that of the pillar of masonry for the monolithic column. The former change, which had already come into operation in the first basilica of St. Paul without the Walls, was so obviously in the nature of an improvement in point of stability that it is no matter for surprise that it should have been almost. universally adopted. Colonnaded and arcaded basilicas, as we may call them, for the most part older than the eleventh century, are to be found in the most widely distant regions, from Syria to Spain, and from Sicily to Saxony; and the lack of examples in Southern France is probably due

Religion Reading Response #5 Essays - Baptism, Infant Baptism

Religion Reading Response #5 Essays - Baptism, Infant Baptism Madeline Stickler February 26,2016 Reading Response #5 Professor Ryan Menno Simons Menno Simons was born in in 1496 and ordained to the Roman Catholic priesthood in 1524. Four years after the Anabaptist movement began, at the age of 32, Menno studied the Bible to see if the Anabaptists claims about errors in Catholic teachings were correct. He gradually conceded they were. In 1536, at the age of 40, Menno left the Catholic Church and began living the stressful, dangerous life of an outcast Anabaptist. Mennos main focuses were on baptism, the Lords Supper, pacifism, and the ban. Though I may not personally believe all the same things Menno did, I am a strong advocate against baptism in infants. Not growing up in the church, I was never and still have not been baptized. According to Merriam Webster, baptism is a ceremonial immersion in water, or application of water, as an initiatory rite or sacrament of the Christian church, or washing away of sins. Infants in the first year of their lives are not capable of sin, therefore giving no reason for baptism at such a young age. It is my belief that any young adult or adult should be able to choose when they would like to be baptized, because for baptism, one must have accepted Jesus Christ into their lives, heard His word, and believe it before making any changes in their lifestyle. As said in Mark 16:16, Here, faith did not follow baptism, but baptism followed faith. To me, there is no other scripture that better defends against infant baptism and in the New Testament, there is no scripture implying that baptism must be in infants. I also presume communion, drawn from the Lords Supper, as one of the best ways to commemorate Jesus dying for our sins. The wine and bread, representing the body and the blood of Christ, memorializes just how much we are loved and our devotion of our life to Him. Pacifism is a great outlook we should have on life, but in all reality, every dispute cannot be justified and settled by peaceful means.

Public Speaking and the Youth of Todayv Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1750 words

Public Speaking and the Youth of Todayv - Essay Example Since we do and cannot exist on our own we will need to effectively communicate our desires or messages (as this will be referred to later in this paper) to obtain the response we expect and make the communicative act more rewarding. No one is alike in its desires, opinions on certain things, acceptance even in non-acceptance of an idea for everyone is brought up in different environment by different significant others and are exposed to different stimuli. Engaging in a communicative act is, in effect, creating a common ground that will serve as a spring board for consequential interactions. We may study communication or the communicative act in two ways: either as a process and or as an activity. On the one hand, if it will be studied as a process, communication will be explored based on the basic principles involved: thinking, the verbal as well as non-verbal form of communication, the elements involved in the process (i.e source, message, channel, and the receiver), and factors affecting each element in the communicative act. ... Finally, if the communicative act is seen as an activity, the result or the effect of the communicative act will likewise be examined after engaging in a specific form of communication. In a group discussion, for example, emphasis will be on the result-i.e whether a solution has been made. In a persuasive discourse, however, whether the audience is convinced of the ideas presented by the speaker. All of these will be explained in this paper, except, of course the actual presentation of each form. Much of the discussion, however, will focus on public speaking and its effect on one of the most difficult to persuade audience: the youth. The basic guiding principles that will motivate such genre of receiver will be given emphasis in the later part of this paper. The communicative act, as specified earlier, may take different forms. The most common form, so common that it tends to be given least consideration, is intrapersonal communication or "the processes which operate within the individual (Intrapersonal Communication)."In this level of communication an individual acts as both the originating and the responding communicator. It ranges from simply thinking, meditating, and reflecting to talking to one's self or writing oneself a memo. Then there is what is called the interpersonal level of communication. While in the intrapersonal level, both the source and the receiver of the message pertain to an individual, interpersonal communication involves another person. It may take the form of a conversation, a dialogue or an interview. As you might have guessed, two personae are now actively participating, affecting and being affected in the process. The success in this

A survey of student attitudes to university fees Essay

A survey of student attitudes to university fees - Essay Example Example include Market Research Surveys Government Surveys Public Health Surveys Public Opinion Polls Censuses may be another example of quantative research. Although a census does not include a sample/portion of the community, it surely does include many others modern survey methodological aspects such as interviewers and questionnaires. Surveys are an important tool for research. With the help of surveys we may be able to gather precious information not only for research purposes but also for public information. Surveys are not restricted to one field or line of information. Information may be gathered for marketing, sociological, psychological and many other aspects and fields of study (Advanced Research Seminar On Cognitive Aspects Of Survey Methodology & Jabine, 1984). A survey was conducted regarding tuition fees and related issues. Most of the respondents were international which were paying a comparatively high tuition fees. As expected, all of them were of the idea that the tuition fees were high and should be cut down. A few students were happy with their fees but it is believed this was due to the fact that they were either UK home students or EU students. Furthermore, it was highlighted that most of the international students relied on their parents to pay their tuitions fees while a few were dependent on student loans. 80% of the respondents believed that the tuitions fees of UK was considerably higher than their home countries. This may have been said to be due to different economic conditions and foreign exchange risk between the two countries but with 65% respondents claiming the tuitions fees to be considerably more, is a matter to be looked into. Respondents also claimed that such huge tuitions fees is a cause of distress for their parents back home. Few even went on saying that their family could not afford the tuition fees but still managed sending them abroad to study and obtain a degree. The students responding were usually from developing nations which have a bad economic condition as compared to that of UK. They also higlighted that if a parent is to spend so much on one siblings the rest may have to suffer and sacrifice their standard of education. The main reason cited for getting a degree was for the purposes of a job with some respondents thought to be confused of their basis of studying at a university. Nearly all of the students were of the view that the government should be paying for their tuitions fees and ensure that no financial stress and constraint should take place while studying. Respondents also were of the idea that at least some part of the fees if not all should be paid by the government. The recent floating idea of an increase in tuition fees is a prime ongoing debate. It was believed that tuition fees shall be increase further (BBC News, 2012.) After the previous tuition fees rise Parents believe that supporting one of the children had been financially tough and an increase shall only and only increase their burden. Furthermore, parents feared that their children shall be facing huge debts if they plan to obtain a degree. Many students were also of the view that they shall be put off with higher tuition fees (BBC News, 2010). Ttihe increase in tuition fees also witnessed many protests and strikes with students even been arrested (the Guardian,

Strategic Management Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words - 38

Strategic Management - Essay Example According McKienan and Carter, planning enables the company or organization to set priorities focus energies and resources, strengthen operations and ensures employees and stakeholders are working towards a common goal (2000). It helps managers to establish the objectives they want to achieve and the intended outcome from their activities and assess and adjust the organization direction in response to the changing market structure. To achieve all these management needs to come up with a strategic plan that will guide them in management. A strategic plan is a document used to communicate the organizational objectives and goals that focuses on the actions that needed to be taken to realize these goals. Strategic management is guided by that written document. Clark maintains that strategic management transforms the static plan into a structure that provides strategic performance response to decision-making process and enables it to grow and adjust to changes (2004). Execution of the plan is synonymous with management, and it results in a systematic implementation of the plan. A good strategy tends to answer three critical questions that are; where is the organization at the moment? Where does it want to go? And, how will it get there? It should consider the end always. It is not about predicting the future it is about preparing for it with the exact steps the company has to follow in mind in order to gain a competitive advantage. Competitive advantage is what keeps a company ahead of others in the same industry. According to Lowendahl and Revang, a company with a competitive advantage will perform fairly better than the rest in terms of revenue development and customers’ satisfaction (2004). Planning is not guarantee that companies will achieve more competitive advantage over the rest, but it is an essential process that can enhance sustainability of the company in the business. Strategy

Assessing Development And Democracy In India Politics Essay

Assessing Development And Democracy In India Politics Essay A strong centred democracy has been at the heart of Indian nationalism since independence with its many languages, religions, ethnicities. In adopting the Westminster parliamentary system, India substituted the monarchy for an elected President and a legislative body consisting of a bicameral structure that includes a lower house the Lok Sabha  and  an upper house the Rajya Sabha  Ã‚  [2]  . India is now the worlds largest parliamentary democracy, some 714 million people were eligible to vote in last years election  [3]  . Members of the Lok Sabha are directly elected every five years with representation divided among Indias States, and seats apportioned  according to population. Members of the lower house the Rajya Sabha are indirectly elected by the legislative assemblies of the federal States and the President nominates twelve members to the Rajya Sabha based on distinguished reputations in the realm of the arts, sciences or public service  [4]  . The president is elected to office for a five year period by members of both houses. All citizens over the age of 18 years, regardless caste or religion are eligible to vote and turnout has stabilized at approximately 60%, which is particularly high by international standards  [5]  . Under Jawaharlal Nerhus (the first prime minster of India) nationalist ethos encompassing non alignment, socialism and secularism, the latter was the intended safe guard for religious minorities from majority rule. In an affront to the notion that democracy is a Western luxury that developing countries cannot afford  [6]  , Indias body politic has remained markedly stable since independence, a notable exception in post colonial states. It is also viewed as an anomaly because of its incredibly diversified social strata and its ability to continue functioning as a democracy (Kothari 2005). There is no distinction for basis of citizenship along ethnic, religious or caste lines nor has there been any religious qualification for holding office. There has not been any significant state intervention to abolish the caste system  [7]  , although untouchability was made illegal in the Constitution  [8]  the system has been left undisturbed. Independence and the adoption of democracy has however not resulted in any state-led political agenda of social reform, by in large society has been allowed to reform itself in a laissez faire way. A proportion of parliamentary seats and a percentage of public sector jobs were/are however reserved for members of  Other Backward Castes (OBCs), Scheduled Castes (SCs)  and  Scheduled Tribes (STs). This reserve falls under Positive Discrimination (PD)  [9]  . Bhimrao Ramji  Ambedkar (a member of the untouchable Mahar caste), provided the Dalits with their first real hope of transcending caste discrimination (Luce, 2007), ensuring that equality along caste lines was enshrined within the Constitution  [10]  . While caste disparity has not yet been alleviated in a substantial way, it has given the Dalits a feel for political mobility  [11]  . Constitutional provisions. As regards Indias post independence economic policy, it adopted a model of self-sufficiency and import substitution  [12]  . Influenced by the Soviet example of a mixed economy it turned its back on trade and foreign capital imports on the premise of being a self-sufficient industrialised nation  [13]  .This failed to take capitalize on Indias early start in modern industry  [14]  , with it rehashing many of the industries which were already in place but which, were in its view tainted by imperialism. As a result industry suffered (Bhagwati, Desai and Sen, 1997). Restrictions on interest rates, subsidies to inefficient industries, taxation on movement of agricultural commodities, and perks to labour etc., all resulted in slow growth and employment, and continued poverty and inequality. With slow growth of jobs in the private sector, government jobs became much sought after, a trend which has persisted even now (Luce, 2007). Elections then became the means to access the fruits of patronage, with plebeian groups organizing around their caste and regional identities. Thus it can be argued that the slow growth with a leaning towards elite jobs, and social conservatism has strengthened caste, regional and religious loyalties. With continued slow growth and poverty levels unabated discontent grew and protests mounted from tribal, dalit and lower caste groups, unhinging Indira Gandhi and leading to the Emergency. Amid mounting pressure over her failure to remove poverty Indira Gandhi suspended democracy in 1975 declaring a national state of emergenc y. The Emergency The mixed economy combined the worst features of capitalism and socialism (Das, 2006). Mrs. Gandhi called for a committed bureaucracy that would be openly socialist, this tainted the neutrality of the civil service and lead to a sharp increase in corruption. She was also responsible for nationalising the banks and insurance sectors, in the name of the poor she handed control of finance to an unreformed civil service. Indias banking system became wholly inefficient which drastically raised the cost of capital for everyone. At this time she also presided over unpopular large-scale sterilization as a national form of birth control and many fell victim to her large scale slum clearance programmes. The activism of associational groups during this time advances the argument that Indias civil society should be the engine for democratisation. With the Swadeshi model, Indias average per capita growth was half that of the developing world which was as a whole was almost 3% from 1950 to 1980 (D as, 2006). The protectionist and anti-foreign sentiment that drove it to the brink of bankruptcy just over a decade ago when it had only three weeks of foreign currency reserves in its coffers. Many of the leaders that ruled India after the British left in 1947, like Nehru and his daughter, Indira Gandhi, feared further influence of foreigners and established a practice of strict self-reliance, known as swadeshi. These governments subsidized many Indian industries, never allowing foreign companies to compete and thereby never allowing its own industries to excel. Such subsidies have long been a drain on the countrys economy, accounting for as much as 14 percent of its GDP. As a result of such protectionism and subsidies, many industries within India have remained stagnant. Indians are incredible farmers who could likely rival the U.S. in agricultural production. But the government doesnt allow people to own more than 18 acres. This is driving out many productive producers. The 1980s Following the election of the Janata party and the ousting of Indira Gandhi and emergency rule a new India emerged one which was no longer administered along old elite lines. Single party dominance was restored during the 1980s with the return of Congress to power. Mrs. Gandhi reinvented the Nehruvian vision maintaining the rhetoric of socialism but changing the content. Her time in office saw a relaxation of the economic self-sufficiency ethos and socialism or dirigisme was backed up by international borrowing. Economic institutions like permit-license Raj remained intact and there was no relaxation of domestic economic policy in parallel with foreign borrowing  [15]  , it did however lead to higher growth  [16]  . The Green Revolution was also now routinely yielding good harvests alleviating the necessity to import food  [17]  . With better prospects in the private sector the appeal of public sector jobs began to wane somewhat. Significantly secularism was increasingly compromised under Mrs. Gandhis populist accommodation of Hindu and Muslim orthodoxies. This created room for meeting the next explosion in subaltern demands which V P Singh tried to accommodate by undertaking to implement the Mandal recommendations. As India had not restructured its economy, its autarchic orientation continued and this meant that insufficient export income was generated to pay back the foreign debt. The economy crashed as it became unable to service its debt  [18]  . The liberalization reforms 1991 is a significant date in modern Indian history. It is difficult to gauge whether Indias political or economic conditions have changed more since that date. Under the balance-of-payments crisis of 1991, the Congress-led government pushed for greater economic transformation and reform. This heralded the end of the mixed economy, self sufficiency as a model was abandoned. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh (the then finance minister), argued that macroeconomic stabilization had to be reinforced by reforms to make the decision-making and operational environment of firms more market-based (Varshney, 2007). Indias growth and economic trajectory since the introduction of reforms is extraordinary not only because it has taken place in the context of a democracy but also in so far as it has adhered to a unique development model  [19]  . Its economy is based on domestic consumption rather than exports, is focused on services rather than low-cost manufacturing as was the case in many of the Asian Tiger economies, (despite Indias enormous low-cost labour reserve which would naturally lend itself to labour-intensive manufacturing)  [20]  . India has taken advantage of the skills of its educated middle-class in boosting its services sector which now accounts for more than half of its GDP  [21]  . In this regard the reforms have effected mainly an elite and the educated middle class. Growth hasnt been employment intensive on the whole, between 1993/94 and 2004/05 the rate of employment growth declined significantly to 1.85% from the previous 10 years when it went up a little over 2% on average. Similarly there has been a fall in the growth of real wage rates. Indias development model is now much more dependent on the corporate sector. It has been losing regulatory controls such as the license permit quota raj and has embraced international openness to a greater extent. The private sector has been the principal driver of growth. Indeed the most successful sectors have been those in which the government has been absent. Prosperous despite the state (Das) Nihelani. The economy grows while the government sleeps. With the ever increasing role of the private sector as the driver of Indian growth, there is an obvious requirement to balance the needs of the citizens with those of the private  business. The imperatives of economic liberalization and globalization require diminishing the role of government in overall national activity, posing a dilemma for New Delhi (Perkovich, 2003). While democracy provides the long-disadvantaged an opportunity to mobilize and compete for control of government, unregulated private markets do not, potentially i ntensifying political conflict (Perkovich, 2003). It is however the private sector that offer the greatest potential to create jobs and drive economic growth. Due to liberalisation, the Indian economy has improved dramatically. The reform process has registered a 6 percent average annual growth rate for nearly a quarter century Over the last three years, it has grown at over 8 percent annuallyIt is hard to escape the impression that market interests and democratic principles are uneasily aligned (Varshney, 2007). The opening up of Indias economy and the embracing of globalisation has proved irreversible  [22]  . Combined with the implementation of the recommendations of the Mandal Commission this period also heralded the demise of Congress hegemony, to the extent that coalition government has now become a pillar of Indian politics. One-party dominance is gone  [23]  . Rise of Plebeian Politics and Coalition Politics Indias body politic has moved from being dominated after independence by elite English-speaking urban, majority upper castes politicians to a now more plebeian political thrust. The social makeup of participation has moved distinctly downwards towards the rural lower castes. The turnout in villages is higher than in urban India  [24]  , the odds of a scheduled caste citizen voting were 2.3% higher than the national average. The greatest increase in voting has taken place in tribal constituencies (Varshney, 2000). In this way caste as well as religion, have materialized as the fundamental base of support in Indian politics. Caste groups are however often as bitterly divided amongst each other as much as they are with Brahmin and upper caste groupings  [25]  . OBC, SC ST parties total vote share is significantly lower than the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) or Congress, but they are enough to force through concessions in coalition government. Despite the disunity of political parties it is fair to say lower-caste politics are now a permanent fixture with preserving the existing system of patronage-based subsidies being the raison dà ªtre of many lower-caste political parties (Luce, 2009). In many ways the motivation for many SC/ST parties is not to abolish caste disparity but gain leverage over each other. Despite Ambedkars call for annihilation of the caste system, it has remained, and became further entrenched. Increased competition in electoral politics in which Dalit votes make a big dif ­ference has prompted both the BJP and Congress to woo the Dalit vote  [26]  . They are a minority in every state and in most command between 10% and 20% of the vote  [27]  . Indeed Dalits have formed successful political parties, such as the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), which is now in power in UP, and also have nationally known leaders, including UP Chief Minister, Mayawati, who it was suggested may even have been positioned as a potential Prime Minister  [28]  . It is fair to assert caste disparity is firmly embedded in the Indian body politic. India modernisation and liberalisation, have thus witnessed the country become less secular and more ethnically divided than before, entrenching caste and religious divisions instead of facilitating the demise of caste and communalism. India is an increasingly Hindu nationalist country as opposed to a secular socialist democratic republic. With this we have seen a clear increase in incidents of political and communal violence, most vividly played out in the caste wars in Bihar, Hindu Muslim violence in 1992/1993  [29]  and again in Gujarat in 2002  [30]  . The overarching ideology of Hindu nationalism poses a new challenge. Nehrus vision of secularism, socialism and non-alignment is now on its last legs, if not dead already, while the BJP Hindutva vision is gaining more and more momentum  [31]  . BJP vision. INDIAS DEVELOPMENT MODEL DEMOCRACY Development is by definition and practice a radical and commonly turbulent process that is concerned with far-reaching and rapid change in the structure and use of wealth, and which-to be successful it must transform. (Leftwich, 2002) Democratic politics as it is now in India is that of compromise, it is consensual, conservative and incremental in the change it brings about (Leftwich, 2002). Indias has not adopted the same development of those in its neighbourhood the Asian Tigers  [32]  . While India is a democracy the Asian tigers development all had either autocratic or very restrictive political systems in place. None of them had labour rights or labour rights were very restrictive  [33]  , free trade unions  [34]  or a free press  [35]  . It is worth noting also that unlike India on the whole the Asian Tigers have a far more homogenous population  [36]  . Some scholars argue that democracy is needed to keep a multi-ethnic, multi-lingual, multi-cultural and multi-religious country like India intact (Desai). Indias rapid economic growth in the context of a democracy is on the whole without parallel. Evans (2001), however warns against any assumed symbiotic relationship between democracy and human rights. While democracy can endorse equitable development, the goals of democracy and equity should be considered largely independent. Deficiencies in accountability and checks and balances have led to many democracies degenerating into havens of corruption, where the powerful always triumph  [37]  (Eapen 2004). Indeed the relationship between democracy and development is often problematic, in this sense developing countries often accuse proponents of democracy of placing the democratic cart before the economic horse (Mahbabani , 1992). Leftwich (2002) argues that democracies have great difficulty in taking rapid and far reaching steps to reduce structural inequalities in wealth, whether they be based on class, colour, ethnicity, religion or a combination of them. The objectives of competing groups in a developing country like India are often simply to capture public resources and engage in destructive types of corruption and accumulation to enrich their faction (Khan 2002). As we have seen with the upsurge in plebeian politics in India, by legitimising and intensifying contestation between essentially unproductive groups, democracy can make destructive rent-seeking worse (Khan 2002). This can also be applied to India as discussed with patronage being the rainson detre for many caste groups, and the rise of Mayawati for example, using her power to increase her own faction. Indias experience also illustrates that democracy has encumbered development in a number of ways. Short term pandering and handouts to the electorate has impeded long-term investment, particularly in physical infrastructure, which has been to the determent of Indian economic growth development  [38]  (Bardhan, 2006). To the disgruntlement of international financial institutions and credit rating agencies, Indias treasury maintains considerable budget deficits, in the certain knowledge that holding back in government spending could end a coalition(). Neither can democratic systems such as India push thru economically beneficial legislation amid rival parties jocking interests, in the way that autocratic regimes can, particularly pertinent in Indias case (). Nor does India have the option of engaging in policy experimentation open to it, in the way that China has done, as the risk of the consequences of failure at the ballet box are too great. Democratic incumbency is another significant drawback to Indian development  [39]  . Elections have become Indias institutionalized political common sense (Varshney 2005). Essentially no one party remains long enough in power to follow through on policy reform and implementation. Singh was voted out at the beginning of the Early 2000s, the BJP came in and now Singh is back and the threat of being ejected from government makes it worse. Coalition further exasperates this difficulty. The same is the case with corruption and the crime/politics nexus (Desai, 2002 Luce, 2007)  [40]  . The importance of openness in democratic politics is apparent when considering Sens argument that democracy, because it circulates information better, has been more successful in the prevention of famines in India  [41]  . The study is frequently considered in looking at the advantages of democratic systems more generally. Sen argues that democracies allow the poor to penalize or vote out governments that allow famines to occur thus placing a greater impetuous on political representatives to prevent the root cause. He also argues that democracies are better than autocracies at disseminating information from underprivileged and isolated to the central government, owing to political rights such as the freedom of the press and freedom of speech. The level of literacy is fundamental to this argument however, and literacy rates in India are relatively poor. Also highly significant is to who the journalistic discourse appeals to. In India the media generally addresses the upper class and educated middleclass, as the vast majority of the poor and most marginalized are illiterate. It can be argued too that with this same section of Indian society, whom the media primarily address are those who are reaping the rewards of Indias economic prosperity, and who are thus to a large extent placated. The discontent expressed within the media may well be falling on deaf ears  [42]  . Bhagwati (199%) reminds us that it is the views that are expressed, be they those of the rulers or the ruled that is of paramount importance over the actual freedom of the press. Conclusion India certainly affords its citizens more freedoms than China, but it is hardly a liberal democratic paradise (Crossette 2010). Democracy have been the putty that has held India together  [43]  (Desai ). It is however erroneous to equate a multi party democracy political system with high quality institutions. Politics in India has become more consensual and less elitist but at the same time more corrupt and self-serving. Coalition and patronage politics of social factions have combined to make government expenditure a variable outside political control. Castes and religious divisions are used like pawns in the electoral game. Political power is the route to the rewards of patronage for communities which have little chance in the liberal market order for economic gain. By resorting to political patronage, caste disparity has become further entrenched. No major observer denies that India is a democracy, but particularly in states like Bihar where corruption, criminality, murder, and kidnapping heavily taint the electoral process, it is an illiberal and degraded one  [44]  . The decline of secularism and socialism, the rise of liberalism and religiosity, the persistence of nationalism as a force. BJP. On the other side Congress, has pledged it will pursue inclusive growth, clarifying that inclusion will come when growth rates remain sustained at a high level and as long as it takes to make the laudable goal feasible of public expenditure on education, health and welfare. Their strategy operates on the premise that inclusion is an end goal and cannot happen simultaneously with the growth process. The worlds largest free market democracy. Indias economic growth in the context of a democracy is on the whole unprecedented. But it is increasingly questionable as to whether democracy is the variable in Indias strategy to sustain economic growth and development? Opening up to the free market has sharpened marginalisation and inequality, certainly in Indias case the structures of political power, are being propped up by corporate tycoons and powerful lobbies, the risk being this leads to the democratic political process being hijacked and corrupted. Thus the imperatives of democracy and development  require that civil society have to remain constantly alert. Very much a trickle down, rising tide lifts all boats model as opposed to a bottom-up mechanism. Only about 10 percent of Indians have benefited from all that development and progress. Indias development has no meaning for the vast majority of Indians. It is instructive to take note of the issues that the GOI attempts to deal with, the methods they use to address them and the problems they choose to ignore. Governments have chosen to consistently act with deliberation and resolve to support the cause of economic powerhouses. In many cases these have caused direct conflict with often some of the most vulnerable communities. Often the state chooses to be oblivious of the constitutional rights of these communities in its policies and their implementation. Through policies that consistently choose to represent economic interests even at the cost of constitutional rights, the democratic Indian State is losing its credibility. Indias development drive has called into question the credibility of Indian democracy. Crucially Schedler draws a distinction between electoral democracy and electoral authoritarianism based crucially on the freedom, fairness, inclusiveness, and meaningfulness of elections (Schedler, 1998 Diamond, 2002).

Faith Ringold :: essays research papers

Who was Faith Ringold ? Born in New York , Faith Ringold was an African American artist who started school in 2nd grade . While she was at home , her mother taught her the basic skills . She knew how to read before she went to school . In her early childhood she use to be sick every so often , she could not attend school regularly ; however, her mother use to bring her drawing books and pencils . Therefore , she spent most of her time drawing . So, as she grew older and began to go to school , one day her teacher asked her to draw a mountain. Because she was born and raised in New York, she had never seen a mountain before; therefore, she could not draw the mountain properly . The professor told her " you cannot be an artist, " and she said to the professor " yes I could and I will be artist . " She had great internal locus of control and self-confidence . She believed she could do it and she did it . Her mother was a fashion designer . She was very close to her mother, and her father was a great role model for her . He also use to draw , in other words he inspired faith to become an artist . Faith Ringold was a bright artist . She benefited a scholarship in college . While in college she had the opportunity to ship her works at an inexpensive price to sell outside the country. 1960 she learned what African art was as a black artist . She also learned to mix her European training with the African art . She learned about African designs , and African American art . Faith Ringold wrote her stories and painted them on her works . She painted the tradition of African art and design she drew her family 's every day life . Faith Ringold was an artist who justify her culture and her existence with the black art . She expressed who she was through her art .